The Race Relations Act 1965, the first piece of legislation in the UK to address the prohibition of racial discrimination, came into force on 8 December 1965. The act, introduced by Harold Wilson’s Labour government, made it unlawful to discriminate on the “grounds of colour, race, or ethnic or national origins”.

The law applied in “places of public resort”, which covered hotels, restaurants, theatres, cinemas, and public transport. This definition excluded shops and private boarding houses.

The act also created a new criminal offence of “incitement to racial hatred” to curb the activities of far-right groups like Oswald Mosley’s Union Movement. This covered the distribution of written material or the use of words in public places that were abusive or insulting and likely to stir up hatred.

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The legislation came as a response to rising racial tensions in the wake of significant immigration from the Commonwealth. It followed the 1958 Notting Hill riots and the 1963 Bristol Bus Boycott, which was organised by Guy Bailey and Paul Stephenson in response to the Bristol Omnibus Company’s refusal to employ Black or Asian bus crews.

The first bill on the subject of race relations was tabled by Labour MP Reginald Sorensen in November 1950. Sorensen’s bill sought “to make illegal any discrimination to the detriment of any person on the basis of colour or race”. Among others, it was supported by future Labour leader Michael Foot.

In June 1956, Labour MP Fenner Brockway introduced a bill which sought “to make illegal discrimination to the detriment of any person on the grounds of colour, race and religion in the United Kingdom.”

Brockway argued that recognition “that all persons are born equal in rights and dignity, whatever their race, colour or religion, is the fundamental condition of social justice, liberty and peace”.

Brockway re-introduced his bill in 1957, citing the reception his original proposals received “from the public and the press”. But he was unable to speak to it at any length due to a lack of time.

Ronald Bell, a Conservative MP, voiced his vehement opposition. He said he was “very sorry to see any attempt made by legislation to try to stop that and to ram the views of [Brockway] by statute down the throats of other people.”

The bill ultimately failed when Conservative MP Bernard Braine called attention to a lack of quorum (the threshold of 40 MPs needed for a debate on a bill to continue).

In total, Brockway introduced a bill to stop racial discrimination nine times from 1956 until he lost his seat at the 1964 general election.

On the final occasion, Brockway declared: “This is the ninth occasion when I have introduced a Bill dealing with racial discrimination. This has not been an academic exercise; it has been a progressive process.

“Each year support for a measure on this subject has grown… It is said that legislation cannot cure the evils of race discrimination. It cannot; but in public places and in public expression the law can give a lead.”

“I am quite confident that on the tenth occasion of introducing it, in the new parliament, it will not only have the opportunity to be considered but will have a majority in the House.”

In November 1962, a petition was presented to the House of Commons by Labour MP Anthony Greenwood. The petition, signed by over 140,000 people, called for a “law be enacted to make the public incitement of race hatred and discrimination an offence”.

Labour’s 1964 general election manifesto featured a commitment to “legislate against racial discrimination and incitement in public places and give special help to local authorities in areas where immigrants have settled.”

The manifesto added: “Labour accepts that the number of immigrants entering the United Kingdom must be limited. Until a satisfactory agreement covering this can be negotiated with the Commonwealth a Labour government will retain immigration control.”

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Frank Soskice, the home secretary, introduced the bill to the House of Commons for its second reading on 3 May 1965. Soskice warned that inaction would be a “tragedy of the first order” if the country saw “the beginnings of the development of a distinction between first and second class citizens.”

Soskice defended the bill’s “incitement” clause, saying it targeted the “intentional fomentation of hatred.”

He asked the House: “What is the loss of liberty they fear? I know that they will accept it from me that I do not mean this provocatively.

“Is it other than the loss of liberty by the use of outrageous language, not privately but publicly, to seek to stir up actual hatred against mostly completely harmless groups of people in this country for something they cannot possibly help, namely, their origin?”

In the House of Lords, Home Office minister Lord Stonham said the bill would make a “contribution” towards integration.

Opposition to Labour’s proposals in parliament produced a series of compromises. The original bill proposed making discrimination a criminal offence. This was resisted by the Conservative Party as well as some Labour backbenchers, who argued it would infringe on freedom of speech and exacerbate tensions.

Peter Thorneycroft, the shadow home secretary, said he could not support a bill “which deals with discrimination on the basis of widening the frontiers of criminality”.

Conservative MP Henry Brooke argued the bill as it was drafted would “make the police censors of speech”. He feared a potential backlash, claiming that too many prosecutions would “arouse feelings among the white population”.

Labour MP Bernard Floud said that the bill did not make a “positive contribution to the solution of the problem which could be made by the establishment of some conciliation machinery.”

Labour had won a slight majority of just four seats at the 1964 general election, and so concessions were made to the bill’s opponents to ensure its passage. Most significantly, the criminal sanctions for discrimination were replaced with a civil conciliation mechanism.

Speaking at second reading, Soskice defended the inclusion of criminal sanctions as necessary for “public order”, arguing that discrimination “may disturb the peace”. However, he indicated his openness to compromise in this area, telling the House: “We will listen most closely to the arguments advanced in favour of the introduction of a conciliation process.”

The bill passed its second reading by 261 votes to 249.

As Labour’s manifesto suggested, the Race Relations Bill was introduced in conjunction with efforts to limit immigration. This position was summed up by Labour MP Roy Hattersley during the bill’s committee stage.

The future deputy Labour leader said: “I believe that integration without limitation is impossible; equally, I believe that limitation without integration is indefensible.”

Enforcement of the act’s provisions was handled by a newly created Race Relations Board, chaired by former Liberal MP Mark Bonham Carter. The board could not punish offenders directly; instead, it could use local conciliation committees to try to resolve complaints. If conciliation failed, the board would refer cases to the attorney general or the lord advocate in Scotland, who alone had the power to seek a court injunction.

The first person convicted under the act’s incitement provisions was a 17-year-old member of the National Socialist Party in October 1967. Later that year, the neo-Nazi leader Colin Jordan was jailed for 18 months under the act.

The act was also used against the self-styled black revolutionary, Michael X (Michael Abdul Malik), who was prosecuted for stirring up hatred against white people.

The Race Relations Act came in for significant criticism from anti-racist campaigners.

Critically, it did not cover the two areas – housing and employment – where discrimination was arguably most pervasive. It remained legal for employers and landlords to refuse jobs based on race. Of the 327 complaints received by the board in its first year, 238 (73%) fell outside its jurisdiction because they related to jobs or housing.

The 1965 Act established the principle that the state had a role in protecting minority rights. In this regard, it paved the way for stronger legislation, including the Race Relations Act 1968, which extended the ban to housing and employment. The Race Relations Act 1976, which established the Commission for Racial Equality and banned indirect discrimination.

The Race Relations (Amendment) Act 2000 imposed a statutory duty on public bodies to promote racial equality.

The Equality Act 2010 superseded and consolidated previous discrimination law.