Kenneth Clarke, or Lord Clarke of Nottingham, first entered parliament as a 29-year-old Conservative MP at the 1970 general election.

Clarke went on to serve in senior ministerial roles in the governments of Edward Heath, Margaret Thatcher, John Major and David Cameron. A prominent pro-European throughout his career, Clarke’s views often put him at odds with prevailing opinions within his party, particularly during and after the Brexit referendum campaign.

Clarke made three unsuccessful bids for the Conservative Party leadership in 1997, 2001 and 2005.

Despite never reaching the top job, his esteemed CV includes service in two of the four great offices of state: chancellor of the exchequer and home secretary. He also served as secretary of state for justice, secretary of state for health, secretary of state for education and science and paymaster general, among other roles.

Between 2017 and 2019, his final parliament, Clarke held the title of father of the House as the longest-serving MP.

Kenneth Clarke’s political career (1970-2010)

Clarke served continuously in the House of Commons for 49 years between 1970 and 2019. He received his first government role in 1972 as an assistant government whip under Edward Heath.

Following Labour’s period in power (1974-1979), Clarke held a succession of ministerial posts under Margaret Thatcher, including parliamentary secretary for transport, minister of state for health, paymaster general and minister for trade. He entered the cabinet as secretary of state for health in 1988.

As a prominent pro-European and supporter of the one nation Conservative tradition, Clarke was often seen as a leading “wet” (a term for Conservatives critical of Thatcherite policies).

Under John Major, with whom Clarke shared more ideological common ground, he held three major cabinet posts as secretary of state for education and science (1990-1992), home secretary (1992-1993) and chancellor of the exchequer (1993-1997).

As a senior minister in the Major government, Clarke was closely involved in the events surrounding “Black Wednesday” in September 1992. The UK joined the ERM in October 1990 as the central plank of the Conservative government’s anti-inflation strategy, pegging the pound to the German Deutsche Mark at a rate of DM 2.95. However, the high interest rates required to maintain this peg, coupled with a deep domestic recession, put the pound under immense pressure. The crisis came to a head on 16 September. In an attempt to defend the pound’s position as it tumbled through its ERM floor, the Bank of England spent billions of pounds of its foreign currency reserves buying sterling. These decisions were taken by a small group of senior Conservative ministers, including Clarke, Norman Lamont, Michael Heseltine and Douglas Hurd. Clarke later referred to the process as Major “dipping our hands in the blood”.

Lamont was sacked as chancellor of the exchequer seven months after the Black Wednesday crisis in May 1993. Major appointed Clarke in his place.

Major’s government never recovered from the Black Wednesday debacle. But after Labour’s landslide victory in 1997, Clarke remained a prominent figure on the political frontline. He stood in the 1997 Conservative leadership election, triggered by the resignation of Major.

Clarke initially established himself as the frontrunner in 1997 and won the first two rounds of voting among Conservative MPs. Michael Heseltine, a fellow europhile, had declined to stand on account of health issues. Clarke’s main rivals were from the party’s right wing, primarily the ardent eurosceptic John Redwood and William Hague, the former Welsh secretary. In the third and final ballot, the party’s right wing largely coalesced around Hague in a bid to thwart Clarke’s candidacy.

Redwood’s shock endorsement of Clarke ahead of the final ballot – forming the Clarke-Redwood pact – was variously decried as “unholy”, cynical and unsustainable. By contrast, Hague secured the coveted public endorsement of Lady Thatcher. Hague ultimately defeated Clarke by 90 votes to 72, a 22-vote majority.

Clarke also stood in the 2001 Conservative leadership contest, triggered by Hague’s resignation after the recent general election resulted in a second consecutive Labour landslide. The contest was the first to be held under new rules introduced by Hague, whereby MPs would vote in successive ballots to select two final candidates, who would then be put to a one member one vote (OMOV) ballot of the entire party membership.

The parliamentary stage was contested by five candidates: Clarke, Iain Duncan Smith, Michael Portillo, David Davis and Michael Ancram. Clarke won 36, 39 and 59 votes respectively in the three ballots of MPs, initially benefiting from a split in the eurosceptic vote.

Portillo, seen as the leading “moderniser” candidate, won the support of 49, 50 and 53 colleagues consecutively. He entered the race as the favourite, but was eliminated in the final round after the eurosceptic and “stop Clarke” sections of his party rallied behind Duncan Smith.

Clarke, once more, was seen as too pro-European by many in the party’s grassroots. Duncan Smith’s reputation as a staunch Thatcherite – reinforced by an endorsement from the Iron Lady herself – saw him over the line.

In a crucial intervention, Thatcher said: “I simply cannot understand how Ken Clarke could lead today’s Conservative party to anything other than disaster. He is at odds with the majority of its members on too many issues.

“He appears to be an even keener enthusiast for the euro than is the prime minister, let alone the chancellor. He seems to view with blithe unconcern the erosion of Britain’s sovereignty in Europe. And in the strategic decision over whether Britain aligns herself with an emerging European superstate or whether our relationship with America should remain paramount, Ken Clarke would be on the side of Brussels.”

Hague, the outgoing leader, also endorsed Duncan Smith. Michael Heseltine, the former deputy prime minister, warned that the party would be “out to lunch” for a generation if it elected Duncan Smith as its leader.

In the end, Duncan Smith won 155,933 votes (60.7%) to Clarke’s 100,864 (39.3%), on a turnout of 78.3%. The contest highlighted a clear political disconnect between the parliamentary party, which favoured Clarke, and the party grassroots.

Clarke responded: “I congratulate Iain on his success and I wish him every success in leading the party back to an election victory, and he will have all our support in doing that.”

In November 2002, Clarke rebelled over Duncan Smith’s opposition to allowing unmarried couples to adopt children. The Conservative leader had instructed his MPs, by way of a three-line whip, to vote against an amendment to the Adoption and Children Bill that sought to enable unmarried couples to adopt children, opening the door for gay couples to adopt. In total, eight MPs rebelled against Duncan Smith in the vote: Clarke, John Bercow, David Curry, Julie Kirkbride, Andrew Lansley, Andrew Mackay, Francis Maude and Michael Portillo.

After the vote, Duncan Smith summoned a press conference, calling for Tory MPs to “unite or die”.

Clarke responded: “It would be very much easier to unite as a party if Iain Duncan Smith would refrain from imposing three-line whips on subjects which have always been left to the judgement of individual MPs.”

Clarke was among of a handful of Conservative MPs who opposed the march to war in Iraq. In February 2003, during a six-hour House of Commons debate on the government’s policy, Clarke said that he could not rid himself of “doubts that the course to war upon which we are now embarked was decided on many months ago, primarily in Washington.”

In March 2003, Clarke voted for a rebel amendment which argued that the case for war against Iraq had not been established. A total of 139 Labour, 53 Liberal Democrat and 15 Conservative MPs backed the amendment. The government’s unamended motion authorising military action against Iraq passed by 412 votes to 149.

Clarke stood in the 2005 Conservative leadership election, triggered by Michael Howard’s resignation. Howard succeeded Duncan Smith as Conservative leader in 2003 following a successful vote of no confidence in the incumbent.

It was David Cameron, an enthusiastic “moderniser”, who swept up most of the one-nation vote among Conservative MPs. Clarke was eliminated in the first ballot; he secured just 38 votes, placing last behind David Davis (62), Cameron (56) and Liam Fox (42).

Kenneth Clarke: elder statesman / Tory grandee (2010-2019)

Clarke returned to government under David Cameron in the coalition government (2010-2015), serving as lord chancellor and secretary of state for justice (2010-2012) and subsequently as minister without portfolio (2012-2014).

Clarke’s Liberal Democrat coalition colleague Nick Clegg, the deputy prime minister, later joked that he relied on Clarke as a “sixth Liberal Democrat” in cabinet.

In February 2013, Clarke was one of the 131 Conservative MPs to vote in favour of the Marriage (Same Sex Couples) Bill at its second reading. The landmark piece of legislation, which received its second reading by 400 votes to 175, legalised marriage for same-sex couples in England and Wales.

Clarke also voted in favour of a government motion calling for the renewal of the Trident nuclear deterrent system in July 2016. The motion, which was passed by 472 votes to 117, committed the UK to constructing a new fleet of submarines to carry the nation’s nuclear weapons.

Clarke was one of the 34 Conservative MPs who voted for Stephen Crabb in the first ballot of the party’s leadership election in July 2016. The contest was triggered by the resignation of Cameron following the UK’s vote to leave the European Union. Crabb, the work and pensions secretary, was the first candidate to formally declare his candidacy, running on a joint ticket with business secretary Sajid Javid as his intended chancellor. Crabb withdrew from the race after the first ballot and endorsed Theresa May, the contest’s eventual winner.

During the 2016 Conservative leadership contest, Clarke was recorded making apparently disparaging remarks about the candidates. He argued that Andrea Leadsom, the contest’s leading Brexiteer, had said some “extremely stupid things” and predicted Michael Gove would take Britain to war “with three countries at once”. Clarke delivered the comments in conversation with Malcolm Rifkind, the former foreign secretary, while preparing for an interview with Sky News. The veteran MP also described Theresa May as a “bloody difficult woman”, before adding: “But you and I worked for Margaret Thatcher.”

May embraced Clarke’s assessment, telling the Daily Telegraph that British politics needs more “bloody difficult women”.

In the 2019 leadership election, triggered by the resignation of May following her inability to secure a majority for her Brexit withdrawal agreement, Clarke was one of the 19 Conservative MPs who voted for Rory Stewart in the first ballot. Stewart, the international development secretary, adopted an unconventional campaigning style by going on a series of filmed walkabouts (dubbed “RoryWalks”) to talk to voters, rather than focusing his attention on Westminster. Stewart was eliminated from the race after the third ballot, and the contest was eventually won by Boris Johnson.

Clarke stood down from the House of Commons at the general election in December 2019.

Kenneth Clarke and Brexit

Clarke’s pro-European stance was arguably the defining theme of his political career. He was strongly opposed to holding the 2016 Brexit referendum and supported Remain.

Following the Leave vote, Clarke emerged as a persistent parliamentary critic of the government’s approach to Brexit. He was the only Conservative MP to vote against the European Union (Notification of Withdrawal) Bill. The legislation empowered Theresa May, the prime minister to notify the Council of the European Union of the UK’s intention to withdraw, formally triggering the process set out in Article 50 of the Treaty on European Union.

During the commons debates on the bill, Clarke reflected on a political career that “entirely coincides with British involvement with the European Union”. He recalled supporting former prime minister Harold Macmillan’s first application to join in 1961, helping to secure the cross-party majority for the European Communities Act 1972 and witnessing Britain’s entry into the EEC in 1973.

Clarke argued that membership of the European Union restored Britain’s “national self-confidence” after the Suez Crisis. He likened the decision to leave the EU to following “the rabbit down the hole” and hoping to emerge in wonderland.

He told the House: “Apparently, when we follow the rabbit down the hole, we will emerge in a wonderland where, suddenly, countries throughout the world are queuing up to give us trading advantages and access to their markets that we were never able to achieve as part of the European Union.

“Nice men like president Trump and president Erdogan are impatient to abandon their normal protectionism and give us access. Let me not be too cynical; I hope that that is right. I do want the best outcome for the United Kingdom from this process.

“No doubt somewhere a hatter is holding a tea party with a dormouse in the teapot.”

In March 2019, Clarke supported an amendment to a government motion, tabled by a cross-party group, which sought to rule out a “no-deal” Brexit under any circumstances. The amendment was successful. In the end, 17 Conservative MPs – including Clarke – supported the amended motion.

Later that same month, Clarke was a prominent figure as MPs considered a range of Brexit options in a series of non-binding “indicative votes”. Clarke championed motion (J), which instructed the government to negotiate a “permanent and comprehensive UK-wide customs union with the EU.” He argued that the House was at last “moving into a mood where it is going to be possible to end the catastrophic shambles of the last six months.”

In the end, all eight motions – representing different Brexit options – were defeated. However, Clarke’s motion (J) on a customs union came the closest to a majority, falling by just eight votes (264 to 272). A second round of indicative votes was held on 1 April. Once more, no majority was identified for any option. However, Clarke’s customs union proposal was only rejected by three votes (276 to 273).

Clarke was especially prominent in his opposition to Boris Johnson’s approach to Brexit.

In August 2019, during parliamentary deadlock over Brexit, there was brief speculation, initiated by Liberal Democrat leader Jo Swinson, that Clarke could potentially lead a temporary cross-party government of national unity aimed at preventing a “no-deal” Brexit. Clarke indicated he would “not object” if asked, though the plan did not materialise.

In September 2019, Clarke was one of 21 Conservative MPs who had the whip withdrawn after he backed a motion that allowed a cross-party alliance to seize control of the commons order paper. This move allowed for the introduction of a bill to block a no-deal Brexit.

Clarke sat as an independent MP for the remainder of the 2017-2019 parliament. During this time, he described the Conservative Party as the “Brexit Party rebadged”.

Clarke had the Conservative whip restored upon being elevated to the House of Lords.

What is Kenneth Clarke doing now?

After standing down from the House of Commons at the 2019 general election, Clarke was nominated for a life peerage in Boris Johnson’s dissolution honours list. He sits in the House of Lords as Lord Clarke of Nottingham, taking the Conservative whip.

In November 2023, while the Labour Party was in opposition, he notably praised the then shadow chancellor, Rachel Reeves, in an interview with the i newspaper’s podcast, “Labour’s Plan for Power”. He described Reeves as “reassuring” and “responsible” and supported her “uncompromising” approach to economic policy.

Clarke suggested Reeves’ macroeconomic policy closely matched that of the then chancellor, Jeremy Hunt.

He stated: “I don’t think they [Hunt and Reeves] disagree on very much. They do, of course, politically, I do myself disagree with some of Rachel’s political views, I’m sure.”

He added: “But her actual approach, a responsible approach to macroeconomic policy, matches the responsible approach to macroeconomic policy that Jeremy Hunt has, which is in the present shambles of British and international politics and the dangers of it I find rather reassuring – about the only thing I do find reassuring about this election that’s coming up.”

Before politics

Kenneth Harry Clarke was born on 2 July 1940.

Clarke attended Nottingham High School before studying law at Gonville and Caius College, Cambridge University. During his time at university, Clarke served as president of the Cambridge Union and chairman of the Cambridge University Conservative Association (CUCA).

Clarke was called to the Bar in 1963 and became a queen’s counsel (QC) in 1980.

Personal life

In 1964, Clarke married Gillian Edwards, a fellow Cambridge graduate. They had two children, a son and a daughter. Gillian Clarke died of cancer in 2015.

Trivia: things you may not know about Kenneth Clarke

While working as a barrister, Clarke won tickets to the 1966 England vs West Germany World Cup final at Wembley. He later joked that his shouts directed at the Azerbaijani linesman might have helped persuade him to award Geoff Hurst’s controversial second goal.

Alongside his well-known enjoyment of cigars, jazz music and classic cars, Clarke is also a keen birdwatcher.

In 2019, he claimed that “nobody knows” his number. This contributed to initial confusion over whether he had formally lost the Conservative whip in September 2019.