A white paper is an official government policy document that sets out firm and detailed proposals for future legislation. It represents the government’s settled position on a policy issue and often forms the direct basis for a new bill to be introduced to parliament.
Unlike a green paper, which is a tentative discussion document designed to stimulate debate, a white paper signals the government’s firm intention to act. Its publication is a major step in the policy-making process, moving an issue from the discussion phase to the legislative phase.
The purpose of a white paper
A white paper provides parliament, stakeholders and the public with a clear and detailed explanation of the government’s definite proposals for a new law.
The publication of a white paper can also provide a final opportunity for feedback on the specific details of the proposals before they are locked into the text of a bill. It may allow for further consultation with stakeholders before a bill is formally presented to parliament.
How white papers fit in the policy-making process
The green paper
Green papers are the first step in a formal policy-making process that often leads to new legislation. This discussion document will analyse the problem, set out the government’s objectives and present a number of different options or ideas for how to proceed. Its purpose is to stimulate debate and gather a wide range of views on a new policy idea before the government has formed a firm position.
The publication of a green paper is typically announced in parliament by the relevant government minister, who will then take questions from MPs, beginning the scrutiny process.
Public consultation
A government consultation is a formal process through which the public and interested organisations can provide their views on proposed government policy, changes to the law, or regulations.
Governments can consult on almost any element of policy. There is also no set format for consultations, and departments can consult at different stages in the process of policy development.
Consultations may range from broad, open-ended discussions on a new policy idea to specific, technical questions about specific regulations. The government department leading the policy will publish a consultation document and invite responses from individuals, businesses, charities, academics and public bodies.
After the consultation period closes, civil servants in the relevant department analyse all the responses submitted. They summarise the key arguments, identify areas of consensus and disagreement and assess the evidence provided by respondents. The department will then publish an overview of the responses to the consultation.
It is expected that the responses would then inform the next stages of the policy-making process.
The white paper
After analysing the feedback from the consultation, the government will develop a firm policy position. This is then published in a white paper. A white paper is a more authoritative document that sets out the government’s settled policy proposals. Its publication signals the government’s intention to legislate. They may include a draft version of a bill. This can allow for further consultation with stakeholders before a bill is formally presented to parliament.
The bill
If the proposals in a white paper require new law, the next step is the drafting of a bill. The contents of the white paper will form the direct basis for the new bill, which is then introduced to parliament to begin its legislative journey to becoming an act of parliament.
White paper and House of Lords reform: the Blair years
In December 1998, the Blair government published the white paper, Modernising Parliament: Reforming the House of Lords. The document proposed the abolition of the right of hereditary peers to sit and vote in the Lords, arguing that their position, based solely on birthright, had “no democratic legitimacy” and was an indefensible anachronism in a modern state. This move was explicitly framed as a self-contained “stage one” reform, designed to remove the large, inbuilt Conservative “3 to 1 built-in majority over the Labour Party” before proceeding to a more comprehensive overhaul.
Critically, the white paper said the government was minded to accept an amendment that would “allow a small number of hereditary peers to sit temporarily” in what it referred to as a “transitional House”.
This reflected the so-called “Weatherill amendment”, which had been agreed between the government and the Conservative leadership in the House of Lords. The amendment ultimately permitted 92 hereditary peers to retain their seats.
On 7 November 2001, following the passage of the House of Lords Act 1999, the government produced a further white paper, The House of Lords – Completing the Reform, which vowed to equip the “British people with a parliament and a constitution fit for the 21st century.”
In the foreword to the paper, Tony Blair stated: “Our mission is to equip the British people with a parliament and a constitution fit for the 21st century. A reformed second chamber has an indispensable role to play, and this white paper prepares the way for its introduction.”
A further white paper, entitled The House of Lords: Reform, was published in February 2007. It described Lords reform as “unfinished business” and the 92 hereditary peers as a constitutional “anomaly”.
In the paper’s foreword, the leader of the commons Jack Straw stated: “Time and time again – in 1909, 1949, 1968 and 2003 – fundamental reform of the House of Lords has failed because, for some, the best became the enemy of the good.”
Straw argued that a “hybrid”, part-elected, part-appointed, House would be the model most likely to achieve a consensus in a further free vote of the House of Commons. The paper sought to illustrate how a “hybrid house” could work. Its central proposal was for a second chamber composed of 50% elected members and 50% appointed members.
The document detailed how such a system might work, suggesting that elections could be held using a regional list system – a type of proportional representation (PR) – at the same time as European Parliament elections, with members serving a long, single, non-renewable term of around 15 years to encourage independent judgment. The appointed half would be selected by an independent, statutory appointments commission, removing prime ministerial patronage, and would include a significant bloc of non-party-political crossbenchers to maintain the chamber’s character as a house of revision.
The white paper was followed by a series of indicative votes on 7 March 2007 in both Houses on the composition of the second chamber.
The House of Commons expressed a clear, and historically unprecedented, preference for a substantially or wholly elected second chamber. MPs first voted in favour of a model with an 80% elected and 20% appointed composition (by 305 to 267). Immediately following that, in a more decisive result, they supported a 100% elected House of Lords by a majority of 113 (337 to 224).
This vote represented the first time the commons had endorsed a democratic mandate for the upper house. Conversely, all proposals for a fully appointed chamber or for smaller elected minorities were rejected – including the government’s preferred compromise of a 50/50 hybrid model. Blair ultimately voted in favour of a 50/50 split.
The votes created a direct political challenge to the House of Lords itself, which was expected to, and subsequently did, vote in favour of a fully appointed chamber. The votes set the stage for further constitutional confrontation between the two Houses.
In May 2008, Gordon Brown, now the prime minister, announced that the government would produce a new white paper on Lords reform. Straw, this time as justice secretary, spearheaded the proposals contained in An Elected Second Chamber. The paper’s central proposal was for a second chamber that was either 80% or 100% elected – per the consensus established in the March 2007 series of indicative votes. It suggested members be directly elected for a single, non-renewable term of 12-15 years, staggered over three general election cycles to ensure continuity.
To maintain a clear distinction from the commons, the paper explored various electoral systems for use in large, multi-member constituencies, including first past the post (FPTP), the alternative vote, and proportional systems like the single transferable vote or an open list system.
The proposals did not move forward to become legislation.
Other notable white papers
On 8 March 1973, Northern Ireland held its first referendum on its constitutional status – a “border poll” that resulted in an overwhelming, but in effect meaningless, vote to remain part of the United Kingdom. The poll was marked by a mass boycott from the nationalist community. The border poll was followed by a white paper, Northern Ireland Constitutional Proposals, published on 20 March 1973.
It proposed a devolved power-sharing assembly in Northern Ireland and a ‘Council of Ireland’ to consider cross-border matters with the Republic of Ireland. This led to the ill-fated Sunningdale Agreement.
In September 1974, Harold Wilson’s government published a white paper entitled Democracy and Devolution: Proposals for Scotland and Wales, which proposed devolved assemblies for Scotland and Wales.
The Blair government produced a 1997 government white paper, entitled Your Right to Know. The white paper precipitated the Freedom of Information Bill (later act).
The document stated: “Unnecessary secrecy in government leads to arrogance in governance and defective decision-making. The perception of excessive secrecy has become a corrosive influence in the decline of public confidence in government.”
In December 2010, the Department of Health published the white paper, Healthy Lives, Healthy People: Our Strategy for Public Health in England. In it, the government stated its commitment to “look at whether the plain packaging of tobacco products could be an effective way to reduce the number of young people taking up smoking and to help those who are trying to quit smoking.”
On 2 February 2022, the government published its levelling up white paper, a 332-page document dedicated to Boris Johnson’s flagship policy. The white paper, spearheaded by Michael Gove as levelling up secretary, established 12 national “missions” to be achieved by 2030 – targeting gaps in pay, productivity, health and transport infrastructure.
The “levelling up agenda”, a central pillar of Johnson’s political vision, encompassed a loosely connected set of policies designed to reduce regional economic inequality. The February 2022 white paper represented the most detailed expression of the government’s ambition in this regard.
On 2 February, Gove delivered a statement to the House of Commons, marking the publication of the white paper. He described the government’s objective as enabling “overlooked and undervalued communities to take back control of their destiny.”
He added: “While talent is spread equally across the United Kingdom, opportunity is not. Our country is an unparalleled success story, but not everyone shares in it.”
Additional resources
- GOV.UK – Publications: https://www.gov.uk/government/publications