Senedd Cymru, also known as the Welsh Parliament, is the devolved legislature for Wales.

Established in 1999, the legislature exists to represent the interests of the people of Wales, make laws for Wales, agree Welsh taxes and to scrutinise the work of the Welsh government. The Senedd is a bilingual institution, operating in both Welsh and English.

Following the passage of the Senedd Cymru (Members and Elections) Act 2024, the legislature has recently increased in size to 96 members. These members of the Senedd (MSs) were elected under a proportional representation system, which was first used for the 2026 Senedd election.

The powers of the Senedd

The Senedd (formerly the National Assembly for Wales) operates on a “devolved matters” model, meaning it can legislate on any issue that is not specifically “reserved” to the parliament at Westminster.

The powers of the Senedd are defined by a package of laws, primarily the Government of Wales Act 1998, which created the assembly, initially with limited powers, the Government of Wales Act 2006, as well as the Wales Acts 2014 and 2017.

The parliament has the power to make laws on a wide range of domestic policy areas, including:

• Health and social care
• Education and training
• Economic development and transport
• Agriculture, forestry, and fisheries
• Housing, local government, and planning
• Welsh language and culture
• The environment

The Wales Act 2014 and Wales Act 2017 devolved taxation and borrowing powers to the Senedd.

The Welsh government has control over the land transaction tax (which replaced stamp duty for Wales) and the landfill disposals tax, both of which are collected by the Welsh Revenue Authority. It can also vary income tax rates by 10% (under the 2017 act).

Reserved powers remain the responsibility of the parliament in Westminster. They include:

• The constitution
• Public service
• Political parties
• Single legal jurisdiction of England and Wales
• Tribunals
• Foreign affairs etc.
• Defence

A full list of reserved powers are outlined in the Wales Act 2017. Any matter not listed in the act is implicitly devolved to the Senedd under the parliament’s model of devolution.

Elections to the Senedd

Electoral system and 2026 reforms

Before the reforms which came into force in 2026, the Senedd was elected under the additional member system (AMS). AMS is a hybrid system that combines FPTP with a proportional top-up. Voters cast two votes: one for a candidate in a local constituency (elected by FPTP), and a second for a political party in a larger region. A number of “additional members” are then elected from regional party lists to make the overall distribution of seats more proportional to the share of the regional party vote.

The Senedd Cymru (Members and Elections) Act, which received royal assent in June 2024, reformed the electoral system. The parliament is now elected using a closed party list system.

In a party-list system, voters choose a party rather than a candidate. Each party presents a list of candidates, and seats are allocated to each party in direct proportion to their share of the vote in a multi-member constituency or region.

Unlike under AMS, voters have just one vote.

In a so-called “closed list” system, the party determines the order of candidates. (“Open list” systems differ in that voters may cast votes for specific candidates on a party list, influencing which candidates are ultimately elected.)

Under the Senedd’s reformed electoral system, the number of members has increased from 60 to 96. The country is divided into 16 six-member constituencies, with voters no longer voting for individual candidates, but for a party list. Seats will be allocated proportionally within each constituency using the D’Hondt method.

Under the D’Hondt formula, the process in each constituency will work as follows:

• The number of votes for each party in each constituency is taken.
• This number is then divided by the number of seats the party has already won plus one.
• The party with the highest resulting figure wins the first regional list seat.
• The calculation is then repeated. According to the formula, the divisor for the party that just won a seat is increased by one.
• This process continues until all seats have been allocated.

This formula is used to make sure seats are allocated to closely reflect their share of the vote.

The 2026 reforms were passed by the Senedd following recommendations from its special purpose committee on Senedd reform. Its recommendations, styled as a “cross party plan for a strengthened parliament to represent the people of Wales”, were supported by a majority of MSs in June 2022.

Election timing

Under the 2026 reforms, the fixed term of the Senedd was reduced to four years.

Previously, the Wales Act 2014 extended the legislature’s fixed term from four to five years. This was done in order to reduce the chance of devolved elections clashing with general elections to the parliament at Westminster, following the passage of the Fixed-term Parliaments Act 2011.

The Senedd Cymru (Members and Elections) Act 2024 changed the length of term back to four years. Introducing the Senedd Cymru (Members and Elections) Bill, the then constitution minister, Mick Antoniw, observed that “four-year terms were the norm in Welsh democracy at the point of devolution and only changed in response to the UK Fixed-term Parliaments Act of 2011.”

He added: “That act has since been repealed, and I believe that a return to four-year terms would more appropriately balance considerations of democratic renewal and accountability to the people of Wales.”

Under section 5(2) of the Government of Wales Act 2006, a snap election can be triggered if at least two-thirds of the members vote in favour of an early dissolution. A snap election also follows if the legislature fails to nominate a first minister within 28 days of a vacancy.

The presiding officer of the Welsh legislature also has the power to vary their election date by up to one month from the standard date, which is the first Thursday in May.

How are vacancies filled?

Under the 2026 reforms, the adoption of a party list system means by-elections have been effectively abolished.

If a seat becomes vacant (for example, due to the death or resignation of an MS), it will now be offered to the next eligible and willing person on the list submitted by that member’s political party at the last election. If an independent steps down, then their seat would remain vacant until the next general election.

What happens after an election?

Following an election, the monarch formally opens the new session of the parliament.

MSs must take an oath or “affirm” their allegiance to the king as part of a swearing-in ceremony.

The oath says: “I do swear that I will be faithful and bear true allegiance to His Majesty King Charles, his heirs and successors, according to law. So help me God”.

The affirmation, which omits any religious reference, reads: “I do solemnly, sincerely and truly declare and affirm that I will be faithful and bear true allegiance to His Majesty King Charles, his heirs and successors, according to law.”

Unlike in the Scottish Parliament, where an MSP must take the oath or affirmation in English but can then repeat it in another language, MSs can choose whether to use Welsh or English.

The first item of business for the newly elected MSs is to elect a presiding officer.

The presiding officer (Llywydd) of the Senedd

The presiding officer of the Senedd, known as the Llywydd, oversees debates, represents the Senedd at ceremonial occasions and events and chairs the Senedd Commission. The Senedd Commission has responsibility for the provision of property, staff and services required to enable the Senedd to function.

The election of the Llywydd is conducted by exhaustive ballot, electronically and in secret. A deputy speaker must also be elected at this time. An eligible candidate for either role must be seconded by an MS from a different political party.

The presiding officer and deputy presiding officer must not be from the same political group or both be members of political groups with an executive role.

The Senedd Cymru (Members and Elections) Act 2024 included a provision enabling MSs to elect an additional deputy speaker. This second deputy speaker can be elected at any time in the Senedd term.

The first minister of Wales: appointment and roles

After the election of the presiding officer, the Senedd nominates a first minister. Nomination proceedings begin if a majority of MSs agree and it must happen within 28 days of an election.

The presiding officer invites nominations. They will then ask each member in attendance, in alphabetical order, to state the name of their preferred candidate. (The Llywydd and deputy presiding officer do not vote).

This process is also conducted by exhaustive ballot. If more than two MSs have been nominated and no MS receives more than half of the votes cast, the candidate with the lowest number of votes is eliminated. Further roll calls take place until a nominee achieves a simple majority. If only one MS is put forward, they are successful.

The presiding officer announces the result and recommends that the monarch appoint the successful nominee as first minister.

The first minister is the head of the Welsh government. They appoint other Welsh ministers with the approval of the monarch. The Senedd Cymru (Members and Elections) Act 2024 increased the maximum number of Welsh Ministers from 12 to 17. The government has the power to increase this limit to 18 or 19, subject to approval by two-thirds of the Senedd.

Sittings of the Senedd

The Senedd typically meets for plenary (full) sessions in the chamber on Tuesday and Wednesday afternoons. The sitting usually starts at 1.30 pm. MSs can participate in person in the Siambr (debating chamber) or remotely via zoom. Mondays and Thursdays are primarily used for committee business.

Like the parliament at Westminster, the Senedd does not sit all year round. There are recess periods when the Senedd is not in session. These recess dates are normally during the following periods:

• Spring half term – normally one week in mid-February
• Easter recess – normally two weeks around Easter
• Whitsun half term – normally a week at the end of May
• Summer recess – approximately eight weeks from mid-July to September
• Autumn half term – normally a week in late October
• Christmas recess – normally last week in December and first in January

Voting and debates in the Senedd

The weekly parliamentary timetable is set by the business committee, which is chaired by the presiding officer. Meetings are attended by the leader of the Senedd (Trefnydd) and a business manager from each of the other political groups represented in the Senedd.

Under standing order 11.1., the role of the business committee is to “facilitate the effective organisation of Senedd proceedings”. (The standing orders set out the procedures by which the Senedd operates.) The committee is responsible for determining around one-third of plenary time, which is non-government time.

The committee usually meets once a week, every Tuesday morning, during sitting weeks to organise plenary business. Proceedings are usually conducted in private. (The business committee also sets the Senedd committee structure and can make recommendations on procedure.)

The motion appointing the membership of the committee is one of the first pieces of business the Senedd considers following an election.

Voting is electronic and almost instantaneous. For each vote, MSs can answer “For”, “Against” or “Abstain”. Unlike MPs in the House of Commons therefore, MSs can actively register their abstention.

The legislative process in the Senedd

Once a draft law (a bill) completes its passage through the Senedd and receives royal assent, it becomes an Act of Senedd Cymru. But first it must undergo consideration and scrutiny by MSs as part of a rigorous four stage process.

A Public Bill (a bill of general effect which relates to public policy) can be introduced by the Welsh government, an individual member (members’ bill), a Senedd committee or the Senedd Commission. This is by far the most common piece of legislation. Other types of legislation, such as Private Bill (a bill introduced by individuals or organisations outside the Senedd) or Consolidation Bills, face a slightly different legislative process.

Upon introducing a bill, the Llywydd must publish a statement setting out whether, in her opinion, the bill and its provisions are within the legislative competence of the Senedd.

If the proposed legislation is a government bill, the lead minister will usually make a “legislative statement” at the next meeting of the Senedd in plenary.

A bill must also be accompanied by various “accompanying documents”, including an explanatory memorandum that will set out its policy objectives.

Stage one: general principles

At stage one, a Senedd committee considers the general principles behind the Public Bill in committee. The business committee must refer the bill to a relevant committee to begin consideration. The responsible committee may consult and take evidence on the bill.

The Senedd must then approve those general principles in an initial vote. If MSs reject the bill at this stage, it falls or fails.

Stage two: committee consideration and amendments

In stage two, the bill undergoes detailed consideration by a committee. The committee considers amendments tabled by an MS. Only committee members can vote on amendments at this stage.

Stage three: Senedd amendments

The bill faces further scrutiny in stage three. The Senedd sitting in plenary can consider amendments to the bill. The Llywydd decides which amendments the Senedd will consider. The member in charge of the bill may also table amendments at stage three.

Some bills may go through an additional amending stage prior to stage four, which is known as report stage.

Stage four: final consideration

At stage four, a final vote is held by the Senedd as a whole to pass or reject the final text of the bill. In the event of a tied vote, the Llywydd exercises a casting vote against the bill.

Certain bills, such as those pertaining to the name of, elections to and the size of the Senedd, are subject to a ruling by the Llywydd. In these cases, at least two-thirds of MSs (a “super-majority”) must vote in favour for it to pass.

Under this procedure, the Senedd Cymru (Members and Elections) Act 2024 needed the approval of two-thirds of MSs.

Legal checks and royal assent

Any bill passed by the Senedd is referred to the Welsh and UK law officers (the counsel general for Wales and the attorney general). They check to ensure the bill is within the legislative competence of the Senedd. These checks, to decide whether the Senedd is infringing on a reserved matter, may take place over a four-week period.

If they believe it is not, they can refer it to the UK supreme court for a final ruling. If such a reference has been made, the bill cannot make further progress until the court has made a decision.

Under section 114 of the Government of Wales Act 2006, the secretary of state for Wales can stop the Llywydd from submitting a bill for royal assent if they believe the bill is incompatible with international obligations or defence or security interests, or because it would adversely affect the operation of the law on reserved matters.

Under certain circumstances, the bill can be “reconsidered” (such as if the supreme court makes a negative ruling). This can be done to consider amendments to ensure the bill is within the competence of the Senedd.

If the bill clears these stages, the presiding officer sends it to the monarch for royal assent. This is the formal approval by the king which makes the bill an act of the Senedd.

Senedd committees

The committees of the Senedd are small, cross-party groups of MSs responsible for carrying out the detailed work of the parliament.

Committees are the primary engine for scrutinising the work and spending of the Welsh Government and for examining bills. As well as scrutinising government proposals, committees can launch their own inquiries into any subject within their remit, take evidence from the public and produce reports.

Committees are created after each election. The business committee decides the titles and remits of each committee.

Under Senedd rules, every government department must be covered by a committee.

Most committees meet every one or two weeks when the Senedd is sitting.

What are the Senedd committees?

Current committees include:

• The business committee
• The children, young people and education committee
• The climate change, environment, and infrastructure committee
• The committee for the scrutiny of the first minister
• The committee of the whole Senedd
• The culture, communications, Welsh language, sport, and international relations committee
• The economy, trade, and rural affairs committee
• The equality and social justice committee
• The finance committee
• The health and social care committee
• The legislation, justice and constitution committee

The chairs’ forum is an informal committee of committee chairs, chaired by the Llywydd. It provides a space to address cross-cutting scrutiny issues.

A full current list of committees can be found here.

Committee membership

Each political group decides which of their members will represent them on each committee. These decisions are then agreed by the whole Senedd. Committee membership reflects the political balance of the parliament as a whole.

Chairs are elected by the whole Senedd in secret under the exhaustive ballot procedure. The number of chairs a party group has depends on their representation in the Senedd as a whole. Nominees for chair can only be from the political group that’s been allocated that committee.

How Senedd committees operate

Committees have the power to launch their own inquiries into any subject within their remit. They can gather evidence and produce reports with recommendations for the government.

Committees gather evidence for their inquiries in two main ways. They may issue a public consultation based on the terms of reference for their inquiry. They then hold a series of public oral evidence sessions, which are broadcast online, where they question witnesses. Ministers regularly appear before Senedd committees. They may also question civil servants, academics and members of the public.

At the end of an inquiry, a committee will publish a detailed report setting out its findings and making specific recommendations. The Welsh government is expected to publish a formal response to the committee’s report, explaining if it agrees with the recommendations or not and why.

As we have seen, committees also play a crucial role in the legislative process in stage one and stage two. Committees can also look at bills before they are formally introduced in a process known as “pre-legislative scrutiny”.

Since 2019, committees have also been invited to hold pre-appointment hearings for some Welsh government public appointments. A committee’s conclusions are not binding, however.

Question time in the Senedd

The Welsh government is held to account through weekly question sessions. These sessions provide an opportunity for MSs from all political parties to question the first minister and other Welsh ministers directly on any relevant issues.

First minister’s questions (FMQs)

First minister’s questions (FMQs) is typically the main event of the Senedd’s week. It takes place for 45 minutes every Tuesday afternoon.

The first minister answers questions from MSs on any aspect of the government’s responsibilities. The leaders of the main opposition party groups are guaranteed the opportunity to question the first minister each week.

They are followed by questions from backbench MSs whose questions have been selected for answer by a ballot conducted by the presiding officer.

Questions to Welsh ministers

Welsh ministers are questioned in the Senedd chamber every Wednesday from 1.30 pm to 3:00 pm.

Ministers from specific government portfolios answer questions from MSs. A rota system ensures that each government minister faces questions on a regular basis. MSs must table their questions in advance. The questions to be asked are then selected by ballot.

A computer randomly sorts the questions into the order in which they will be asked.

The MS who tabled the original question is guaranteed the right to ask an immediate follow-up question, known as a supplementary. The Llywydd then has the discretion to call several other MSs, including opposition party spokespeople, to ask their own brief supplementary questions on the same topic. The minister replies to each supplementary question.

The Senedd Commission is also questioned every four sitting weeks for a maximum of 30 minutes.

Topical questions and emergency questions

A short session for topical questions allows MSs to ask questions on urgent matters without having to give long prior notice. This ensures that ministers can be held to account on breaking news stories or current events.

MSs can ask the relevant government minister an emergency question without notice if the presiding officer deems the question to be of urgent public importance.

Written questions

If an oral question is not reached during question time, the MS is expected to receive a written answer on the same day.

MSs can write to ministers in the form of written questions, including to ask for more detailed or statistical information that is not suitable for a brief oral exchange. There is no limit on the number of written questions an MS may table.

When the Senedd is sitting, the Welsh government is expected to provide an answer to a written question within five working days. The questions and their answers are published in the Record of Proceedings, the official report of the Senedd.

The Senedd and sovereignty

The UK parliament has devolved significant powers to the Senedd, alongside the Scottish Parliament and the Northern Ireland Assembly.

While Westminster remains legally sovereign and could theoretically abolish these institutions, the devolved bodies are recognised features of the political landscape in their respective jurisdictions.

What is the Sewel convention?

The Sewel convention is a constitutional principle that governs the relationship between the UK parliament at Westminster and the devolved legislatures in Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland.

It states that the UK parliament will “not normally” legislate on devolved matters without the consent of the relevant devolved institution. The convention takes its name from Lord Sewel, the Scotland Office minister who was responsible for the progress of the Scotland Bill through the upper chamber in 1998.

In a debate in the House of Lords in July 1998, he stated that while the devolution of legislative competence did not affect the ability of the UK parliament to legislate for Scotland, “we would expect a convention to be established that Westminster would not normally legislate with regard to devolved matters in Scotland without the consent of the Scottish parliament.”

The Wales Act 2017 included provisions recognising the Sewel convention. It amended the Government of Wales Act 2006 to insert the Sewel convention, affirming that it is “recognised that the parliament of the United Kingdom will not normally legislate with regard to devolved matters without the consent of the assembly.”

Legislative consent motions (LCMs)

The UK government is expected to consult with the devolved administrations if it plans to introduce a bill with provisions that fall within the scope of the Sewel convention.

This approval is sought through a legislative consent motion (LCM). The devolved government will introduce an LCM in its legislature, which is then debated and voted on by its members.

If the motion is passed, consent is granted. If it is voted down, consent is withheld.

The Sewel convention and Brexit strains

However, the Sewel convention has come under some strain in recent years.

The supreme court ruled in the famous 2017 Miller I case that the convention remains a political rule and is not legally enforceable by the courts. The court ruled that the Sewel convention did not require the consent of the devolved institutions for the government to notify the Council of the European Union of the UK’s intention to withdraw from the EU (triggering Article 50 of the Treaty on European Union).

The ruling found that the Sewel convention “operates as a political constraint on the activity of the UK parliament” and “therefore plays an important role in the operation of the UK constitution.”

It added: “But the policing of its scope and operation is not within the constitutional remit of the courts. The devolved legislatures do not have a veto on the UK’s decision to withdraw from the EU.”

This confirmed that, in legal terms, the UK parliament remains sovereign and can pass laws for any part of the UK, with or without consent.

The convention’s power, therefore, is said to lie in the political pressure applied by the longstanding convention, not legal force.

During the Brexit process, the UK government passed the UK Internal Market Act 2020 to prevent internal trade barriers within the UK. This is despite all three devolved legislatures refusing consent for the proposed legislation.

Specifically, the Senedd refused consent for both the European Union (Withdrawal Agreement) Act 2019 and the United Kingdom Internal Market Act 2020.

Between 2018 and 2023, the Westminster parliament passed six acts (five of which related to Brexit) where the UK government accepted that the Sewel convention was engaged but consent was refused by one or more of the devolved legislatures.

The Senedd’s legislation, justice and constitution committee observed in a 2021 report following Brexit that the UK and devolved governments came to “interpret the Sewel convention differently”.

The committee added: “It is critical that all parties find a shared understanding on the application of the Sewel convention to which all executive and legislative arms of the UK can agree.

“Failure to reach such an understanding, or to reform the Sewel convention, will render it obsolete and of little practical value, while at the same time building unnecessary friction between the governments of the UK.”

History of Welsh devolution

The rise of Plaid Cymru

On 5 August 1925, during the National Eisteddfod week in Pwllheli, Gwynedd, a group of six Welsh nationalists met to formally establish Plaid Genedlaethol Cymru (The National Party of Wales), later known as Plaid Cymru.

In its early years, the party functioned more as a cultural and social pressure group than a conventional electoral machine. Its initial electoral impact was minimal; in the 1929 general election, its candidate in Caernarvonshire, Valentine, polled just 609 votes (1.6%).

By the 1930s, the party had adopted the goal of securing self-government for Wales, or ‘dominion status’, akin to that achieved by the Irish Free State in 1922.

On 14 July 1966, Plaid Cymru achieved its first-ever parliamentary breakthrough when its president, Gwynfor Evans, won the Carmarthen by-election, overturning a substantial Labour majority.

The by-election was called following the death of the long-serving Labour MP, Lady Megan Lloyd George, daughter of the former Liberal prime minister. Carmarthen had been considered a relatively safe Labour seat, held by Lady Megan since 1957, and Harold Wilson’s Labour government had secured a landslide national victory just four months earlier. Labour fielded Gwilym Prys Davies, a Welsh-speaking solicitor and former member of Plaid Cymru.

Gwynfor Evans, president of Plaid Cymru since 1945, focused his campaign on the perceived neglect of Wales by successive governments. The slogans “For a better Wales” and “For work in Wales” were respectively targeted at rural and industrial portions of the constituency.

Another slogan urged voters to “vote for a free Wales”.

Evans previously stood in Carmarthen at the 1964 and 1966 general elections, coming third on both occasions. He finished 13,805 votes behind Megan Lloyd George in the 1966 general election.

As such, the July 1966 by-election produced a political earthquake. Evans secured 16,179 votes (39.0%), defeating Labour’s Gwilym Davies (13,743 votes, 33.1%) with a majority of 2,436. The swing from Labour to Plaid Cymru was a significant 12.0 points.

The Liberal candidate polled 20.8%, while the Conservative trailed with just 7.2%.

Evans’s victory was a watershed moment for Plaid Cymru. It marked the arrival of Welsh nationalism as a significant electoral force, and provided a major boost for the Welsh language movement. The Welsh Language Act 1967 followed months later.

In his maiden speech, Evans suggested that the policy of successive governments to “assimilate the Welsh people” had reduced his nation “to ruin”.

He stated: “We had evidence in this chamber… that the English order has no place in it for a living Welsh nation. The rules of this English parliament prevent even the taking of the oath in the Welsh language.”

Kilbrandon and the Wales Act

Plaid Cymru’s Carmarthen breakthrough in 1966 – considered alongside the Scottish National Party’s success in Hamilton (1967) – led to the establishment of the Royal Commission on the Constitution (the Kilbrandon Commission) by the Labour government in 1969. The commission’s work constituted the first major study of the constitutional challenges posed by multi-national governance and rising national consciousness.

Its terms of reference required it to examine “the present functions of the legislature and government in relation to the several countries, nations and regions of the United Kingdom” and to consider “whether any changes are desirable in those functions or in existing constitutional and economic relationships.”

The report, published in October 1973 after a four-year inquiry, recommended legislative devolution for Scotland and Wales in the form of 100-member assemblies, elected for four-year fixed terms under the single transferable vote (STV) system. The number of Scottish and Welsh MPs at Westminster would be reduced from 71 to 51 and 36 to 31 respectively.

The February 1974 election saw a surge in support for the nationalist parties. The SNP’s representation rose from one seat to seven seats; its share of the vote doubled to 21.9%. Plaid Cymru won seats (two) for the first time at a general election.

Harold Wilson returned to power as prime minister leading a minority Labour government, dependent on the support of smaller parties.

In September 1974, Wilson’s government published a white paper entitled Democracy and Devolution: Proposals for Scotland and Wales, putting forward proposals based on the Kilbrandon commission.

The October 1974 election returned Wilson’s government with a small majority, which withered over the course of the parliament.

James Callaghan, who succeeded Wilson as prime minister in 1976, introduced the Scotland Act 1978 and the Wales Act 1978 – both of which provided for the establishment of devolved assemblies, subject to post-legislative referenda.

On 13 December 1976, Callaghan introduced the Scotland and Wales Bill (before the legislation was split in two) at second reading. He told MPs that the “origins of the bill can be found in the royal commission on the constitution, which was set up seven years ago.”

Callaghan argued that devolution was a necessary response to the “movement of popular will”.

This legislation also coincided with a marked shift in parliamentary arithmetic. With the loss of its commons majority, Labour once again relied on smaller parties to prop up the government.

The bills, however, did not accept Kilbrandon’s recommendation on reducing the number of Scottish and Welsh MPs at Westminster. The devolution schemes also differed on the electoral system; the proposed assemblies would be elected under the first past the post system as opposed to STV.

The Callaghan government mostly embraced devolution, but the Labour Party at large was divided.

In Wales, the anti-devolution position was subscribed to by prominent Labour figures, including future leader Neil Kinnock. They argued that a Welsh assembly would be an expensive, unnecessary layer of bureaucracy and a danger to the unity of the United Kingdom.

These MPs also capitalised on fears of distrust between various areas and social groups.

Leo Abse was a prominent figure in the “gang of six” of Welsh Labour MPs who opposed devolution. The Labour MP for Torfaen, Abse claimed that an assembly would lead to the dominance of the Welsh language in public life.

Speaking in a 1976 commons debate, he said: “There may be too few passengers on the new Swansea to Paddington Inter-City expresses, but there will be a packed gravy train steaming out of the Cardiff City Exchange, and most of Wales knows that no carriages will be fuller than the first-class coaches marked ‘For Welsh speakers only’.

In 1978, Kinnock claimed that children in Anglesey were being prevented from going to the toilet unless they asked in Welsh – which he referred to as “linguistic racialism”.

Debating Plaid Cymru’s Dafydd Elis-Thomas, Kinnock said he could “take the honourable gentleman to a school in Anglesey – I shall not mention the name of the village because it has only one school – in which children of five or six have to ask in Welsh to go to the lavatory or suffer the consequences.”

In Scotland, Tam Dalyell served as de facto leader of Labour’s anti-devolutionist tendency. He famously posed the “West Lothian question” (so-called after his constituency), which referred to the perceived imbalance between the voting rights in the House of Commons of MPs from Scottish and Welsh constituencies that would arise with devolution.

In other words, under devolution, MPs from Scotland and Wales could vote on issues affecting only England, while English MPs could not vote on matters devolved to Scotland or Wales.

The Wales Act, alongside the Scotland Act, received royal assent on 31 July 1978. Both pieces of legislation included a requirement for post-legislative referenda.

The first Welsh devolution referendum (1979)

The Welsh devolution referendum held on 1 March 1979 saw voters in Wales decisively rejected the proposal to establish a devolved Welsh assembly, with the ‘No’ campaign winning by a margin of four to one.

The question put was as follows: “Do you want the provisions of the Wales Act 1978 to be put into effect?”

The referendum was held on St David’s Day 1979 – a fact Conservative MP Nicholas Edwards suggested was intended “to create a wave of patriotic enthusiasm, to build up an Arms Park atmosphere and to smother fact and argument in a simple appeal to Welsh loyalty”.

In the end, the referendum saw 79.7% of voters reject the proposal, with only 20.3% voting in favour. The turnout was 58.8%. Unlike in Scotland, the result was not subject to any ambiguity from the so-called ‘40% rule’ – set out in successful amendments to the Scotland and Wales acts, which required 40% of the total registered electorate to vote ‘Yes’ for the Act to be implemented. The ‘No’ vote was absolute.

The campaign for a ‘Yes’ vote struggled to gain momentum and was damaged by deep divisions within the Labour Party, the dominant political force in Wales at the time.

A powerful, cross-party ‘No’ campaign, which included prominent Labour figures, argued that a Welsh assembly would be an expensive, unnecessary layer of bureaucracy and a danger to the unity of the United Kingdom. It also capitalised on distrust between various areas and social groups.

The scale of the referendum defeat was a profound setback for Plaid Cymru and advocates of Welsh devolution.

The then-Welsh secretary, John Morris, commented that when “you see an elephant on the doorstep you can’t ignore it”.

In his memoir, Time and Chance, James Callaghan noted: “[The referendum was] held on St David’s Day, for John Morris… had hoped the compliment would strike a patriotic chord in Welsh hearts. But the valleys were dead to the sound of our music and rejected the blandishments by a huge majority of four to one.”

The second Welsh devolution referendum (1997)

The 1979 referendum result sidelined the devolution issue in the immediate term. In the following decades, however, the cause was sustained by the growing strength of Labour’s pro‑devolution tendency, the policies of Margaret Thatcher’s Conservative government, and the ability of Plaid Cymru to maintain its parliamentary standing.

Kinnock’s vehement opposition to devolution subsided during his tenure as Labour leader.

From 1987 to 1997, four English MPs held the post of secretary of state for Wales. Among them was John Redwood, a prominent Thatcherite, who faced widespread criticism for his unsuccessful attempt to mime the Welsh national anthem at the 1993 Welsh Conservative Party conference.

The strength of Labour’s pro-devolution tendency ensured the inclusion of commitments to establish legislatures in Wales and Scotland in the Labour Party’s 1997 general election manifesto.

The party’s 1997 manifesto stated: “The United Kingdom is a partnership enriched by distinct national identities and traditions. Scotland has its own systems of education, law and local government. Wales has its language and cultural traditions. We will meet the demand for decentralisation of power to Scotland and Wales, once established in referendums.”

On 18 September 1997, voters in Wales narrowly approved the creation of a national assembly. The second Welsh devolution referendum, a key pledge of Tony Blair’s new Labour government, produced a ‘Yes’ vote of 50.3% (559,419 votes) versus 49.7% (552,698 votes).

The victory, secured by a majority of only 6,721 votes on a turnout of 50.2%, effectively reversed the overwhelming ‘No’ vote in the first referendum in 1979.

The 1997 campaign, Yes for Wales, was led by the Welsh secretary Ron Davies. It brought together Labour, Plaid Cymru and the Liberal Democrat politicians. The campaign argued that a Welsh assembly would provide Wales with a stronger voice and greater control over its domestic affairs.

The Conservative Party, which had been wiped out in Wales at the general election, led the Just Say NO campaign. Anti-devolution activists argued that an assembly would be an expensive “talking shop” and threaten the unity of the UK.

The campaign claimed the assembly would cost in the region of £50 million. This figure was first advanced by William Hague during his tenure at the Wales Office.

Unsurprisingly, the ‘No’ campaign was hampered by the fact that no Welsh MPs rallied to the cause. It stood in stark contrast to the extremely effective anti-devolution operation in 1979.

The referendum ballot papers featured two statements, both written in English and Welsh, beneath a neutral preamble.

The ballots read: “Parliament has decided to consult people in Wales on the Government’s proposals for a Welsh Assembly / Mae’r Senedd wedi penderfynu ymgynghori pobl yng Nghymru ar gynigion y Llywodraeth ar gyfer Cynulliad i Gymru.”

Voters then checked one of the following options: “I agree there should be a Welsh Assembly / Yr wyf yn cytuno y dylid cael Cynulliad i Gymru” or “I do not agree there should be a Welsh Assembly / Nid wyf yn cytuno y dylid cael Cynulliad i Gymru”.

In the end, support for devolution was strongest in the Welsh-speaking areas of the west and the traditional Labour heartlands of the South Wales Valleys. Most of rural and north-east Wales voted ‘No’.

The creation and evolution of the National Assembly for Wales/Senedd

The 1997 referendum led directly to the passage of the Government of Wales Act 1998. The devolution scheme was a ‘mixed-member’ 60-member body (40 members were elected by first past the post and 20 from a party list to ensure proportionality).

The Welsh devolution settlement was ultimately more limited than that established in Scotland. The Welsh assembly, endorsed by a slender majority of voters, acquired the executive functions of the former Welsh Office. By contrast, voters in Scotland endorsed a tax-raising parliament by an overwhelming majority.

As secretary of state for Wales, Ron Davies steered the Government of Wales Act through parliament. Then, on 19 September 1998, Davies secured the Labour Party’s nomination for the post of first secretary, defeating his rival Rhodri Morgan with 68% of the vote.

However, mere weeks later on 27 October, Davies mysteriously resigned as secretary of state for Wales. His sudden departure, the first from Tony Blair’s cabinet, was triggered by an undisclosed incident described by Davies himself as a “moment of madness”.

On 29 October, Davies stood down as the Labour nominee for the Welsh first secretary post.

Alun Michael was appointed as the new secretary of state for Wales. In the 1999 Welsh Labour leadership contest, Michael was elected as the party’s nominee for the position of first secretary in the new assembly.

In the first elections to the new assembly, held in 1999, Labour won 28 seats out of 69. Plaid Cymru placed second winning 17 seats.

The National Assembly for Wales was convened for the first time in May 1999. Michael subsequently emerged as first secretary of Wales.

Over time, Welsh devolution has evolved. The assembly acquired primary legislative powers following a further referendum in 2011.

In 2011, 63.5% of voters were in favour of further powers to the assembly (the same percentage that voted in favour of tax-raising powers for a Scottish parliament in 1997).

The Wales Act 2014 devolved fiscal powers to the assembly for the first time. These powers were buttressed by the Wales Act 2017.

The Senedd and Elections (Wales) Act 2020 renamed the assembly as the Senedd Cymru (Welsh parliament).

The operation of the Senedd/National Assembly for Wales

The Senedd/assembly has consistently operated without a single-party majority, necessitating various formal and informal political arrangements.

Following the inaugural 1999 election, Michael led a minority Labour administration. His successor, Rhodri Morgan, formed a “Coalition Partnership” with the Welsh Liberal Democrats in October 2000. This agreement saw Liberal Democrat leader Michael German appointed as deputy first minister and minister for economic development, while fellow Liberal Democrat Jenny Randerson served as minister for culture. The partnership lasted until the 2003 election.

The 2007 election resulted in a significant shift. The “One Wales” coalition between the Labour Party and Plaid Cymru provided a majority in the Senedd from 2007 to 2011. Under the agreement, Plaid Leader Ieuan Wyn Jones was made deputy first minister, serving under Labour’s Rhodri Morgan as first minister (and later Carwyn Jones). In total, three Plaid Cymru members sat in the cabinet as full ministers, including Jones, Elin Jones (rural affairs), and Rhodri Glyn Thomas (heritage).

The “One Wales” coalition represented the first time a nationalist party had entered government anywhere in the UK.

From December 2021 until May 2024, the Welsh Labour government operated with support from Plaid Cymru through a formal “co-operation agreement”. Unlike a formal coalition, Plaid Cymru remained in opposition and did not take up ministerial seats in the cabinet. Instead, the parties worked together on 46 specific policy areas, including free school meals and Senedd reform. Plaid appointed special advisers to serve in the offices of the Welsh government.

Adam Price, the leader of Plaid Cymru, said his party was “transforming itself from a traditional opposition party in the Westminster sense to something new and refreshingly different, a co-opposition party, co-operating where possible, while continuing to oppose, and to scrutinise and criticise where necessary”.

In May 2024, Plaid Cymru withdrew from its co-operation agreement with Welsh Labour. Ap Iorwerth said the decision was related to controversies surrounding the new first minister, Vaughan Gething, and what he called “a significant lack of judgement.” Gething ultimately resigned as first minister in July 2024, only four months after taking the job, after questions arose over a £200,000 campaign donation from a businessman convicted of environmental offences.

Gething, who denied any wrongdoing, was succeeded by Eluned Morgan.

The first non-Labour first minister

On 12 May 2026, Ap Iorwerth was elected and sworn in as the new first minister of Wales. Ap Iorwerth’s confirmation formally ended 27 years of continuous Labour-led devolved governments.

Ap Iorwerth’s elevation followed the 2026 Senedd elections on 7 May, in which Plaid Cymru secured 43 seats. (Ap Iorwerth succeeded Price as Plaid Cymru leader in 2023). Reform UK emerged as the official opposition with 34 seats, while Welsh Labour was reduced to just nine members.

Eluned Morgan, the incumbent first minister, lost her seat. She became the first head of government to lose their seat in an election in British history as Labour’s century-long electoral dominance in Wales was ended. Labour’s defeat sent shockwaves through the British politics system. Over the following days, over 90 MPs called for the prime minister, Keir Starmer, to step down.

The results placed Plaid Cymru in a comfortable position to form a minority government.

The 2026 election was also the first held since a series of reforms came into force under Senedd Cymru (Members and Elections) Act 2024.

Ap Iorwerth was nominated as the new first minister of Wales on 12 May in a historic roll call vote. He received the support of 44 MSs (42 from Plaid Cymru and two from the Green Party). Dan Thomas, the Welsh leader of Reform UK, received 34 votes, and Darren Millar of the Conservatives received seven.

In his speech following the Senedd vote, Ap Iorwerth said it was the “greatest privilege of my life to be elected first minister of the nation that means so much to me.” He paid tribute to his predecessor, Morgan, for her “resilience and determination”.

Ap Iorwerth quipped that he would soon learn whether asking questions “was, in fact, much more fun than answering them.”

The new first minister added: “Something has stirred in the soul of Wales – a new confidence, a new hope, a new, broader horizon, never to be narrowed again by the naysayers with other priorities in other places.

“From this historic moment onwards, every person in every part of our nation can know that the government of Wales is their government. And they will know that their government does not and will not impose on itself, or on our citizens, any limits on what our nation can achieve.”

Ap Iorwerth, having confirmed his intention to lead a minority administration, set about appointing ministers to fill his new minority government.

On 13 May, Sioned Williams was given the post of deputy first minister and cabinet minister for social justice and equality. Adam Price, the Plaid Cymru leader from 2018 to 2023, was appointed as cabinet minister for connectivity and energy.

Additional resources

• Senedd Cymru – The Welsh Parliament: https://senedd.wales/
• Senedd Cymru – Find a Member of the Senedd: https://senedd.wales/find-a-member-of-the-senedd/?isActiveMs=true
• Senedd Cymru – Plenary: https://senedd.wales/senedd-business/plenary/
• Senedd Cymru – The Record: https://record.senedd.wales/Search/?type=7
• Senedd Cymru – Committees: https://senedd.wales/senedd-business/committees/
• Senedd Cymru – Weekly meetings: https://senedd.wales/senedd-business/senedd-timetable/