On 8 March 1973, Northern Ireland held its first referendum on its constitutional status – a “border poll” that resulted in an overwhelming, but in effect meaningless, vote to remain part of the United Kingdom. The poll, which represented the first time that a major referendum had been held in any region of the United Kingdom, was marked by a mass boycott from the nationalist community.

This first attempt at direct democracy therefore produced an almost unanimous majority vote in favour of maintaining the Union with Britain.

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The referendum was held at the height of the Troubles – a year after Edward Heath’s government had suspended the Stormont parliament and imposed direct rule from London. It was intended to reassure the unionist population that their place in the UK was secure, thereby creating space for a new political settlement.

Heath set out his strategy in a statement to the House of Commons on 24 March 1972, shortly before the imposition of direct rule.

The prime minister proposed “a system of regular plebiscites [referenda] in Northern Ireland about the border, the first to be held as soon as practicable in the near future and others at intervals of a substantial period of years thereafter.”

He added: “We hope that this arrangement, while leaving open the possibility of a change in the status of the province if the majority so wish, will both confirm that no such change will be made without their consent and provide, in the intervals between plebiscites, a greater measure of stability in the political life of Northern Ireland.”

The secretary of state for Northern Ireland, William Whitelaw, said the goal of this strategy “was to take the border out of the day-to-day political scene”.

The implicit thinking behind the referendum, to confirm the existence of a unionist majority in Northern Ireland, led to a boycott by the nationalist community. On 23 January 1973, the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) urged its members “to ignore completely the referendum and reject this extremely irresponsible decision by the British government”.

Meanwhile, the maintenance of the union was supported by the unionist parties, as well as the Northern Ireland Labour Party (NILP) and the Alliance Party of Northern Ireland (APNI).

The voters of Northern Ireland were asked two questions: “Do you want Northern Ireland to remain part of the United Kingdom?” or “Do you want Northern Ireland to be joined with the Republic of Ireland outside the United Kingdom?”

The result was a foregone conclusion. A total of 98.9% (or 591,820 people) voted for Northern Ireland to “remain” part of the UK. This represented 58.7% of the total registered voters (1,030,084).

Only 1.1% (6,463) voted in favour of a united Ireland. This total was almost beaten by the number of invalid or blank votes, which stood at 5,973 votes (1.0%).

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The referendum ultimately confirmed the existence of a unionist majority in Northern Ireland, changing nothing on the ground. Nonetheless, the ‘victory’ was welcomed by Brian Faulkner, leader of the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) and by the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) leader Ian Paisley.

Faulkner responded: “This is the first time ever that the people of Northern Ireland through the ballot box have quite simply and democratically stated their constitutional wishes.

“They have said so clearly today they are determined to stay within the United Kingdom so this removes any argument about our constitutional position from the lips of politicians for good and all, not just for five or ten years.”

Gerry Fitt, leader of the opposition SDLP, dismissed the referendum result.

He said: “I think on the figures I have just seen, which have just arrived from London, there has been massive impersonation of votes by the unionist party.”

The border poll was followed by a white paper, Northern Ireland Constitutional Proposals, published on 20 March 1973. It proposed a devolved power-sharing assembly in Northern Ireland and a “Council of Ireland” to consider cross-border matters with the Republic of Ireland.

The new Northern Ireland assembly, created by the Sunningdale Agreement, met for the first time on 31 July 1973.

The power-sharing Sunningdale executive, which brought together moderate unionists, the nationalist Social Democratic Labour Party (SDLP), and the cross-community Alliance (APNI), took office on 1 January 1974.

Faulkner led the Sunningdale negotiations on behalf of the UUP, and was appointed as chief executive of Northern Ireland under the scheme.

On 28 May, with Northern Ireland crippled by a loyalist strike, Faulkner and his unionist colleagues resigned from the Sunningdale executive. The power-sharing body, having failed to win cross-community support, collapsed.

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While insignificant in the short term, academic scholarship has focused on the effective concession the March 1973 border poll represented on the part of Westminster: specifically, that sovereignty rested with the people of Northern Ireland and not, in this case, in the UK parliament.

It is a suggestion that has arguably been reinforced by recent referenda – notably the 2014 poll on the matter of Scottish independence.